Tell me what you don't eat, and I'll tell you who you are
What kind of relationships do vegetarians have with one another and with the rest of society? This is a broad question, given that dietary practices are such a powerful component of social identity. This project is supported by I-SITE MUSE as part of its 2017 research support program.
The vegetarian trend in France? In terms of numbers, it remains marginal. According to the latest Nutrinet survey, 2% of the population was vegetarian in 2017. “But people who report reducing their meat consumption more or less drastically account for, according to various sources, 25 to 40% of the population, so the phenomenon far exceeds the minority of vegetarians officially recorded,” notes Lucie Sirieix. A professor at Institut Agro, Montpellier Supagro, and a consumer behavior specialist at the UMR MOISA research unit, she is leading a research project on the social influences surrounding vegetarianism. It is a multifaceted practice, with dietary choices ranging from vegetarians who do not eat meat, to vegans who avoid all animal products, and vegans who banish them from their lives—not just from their diets (for example, excluding leather in clothing). In addition to these groups are “flexitarians,” who—even though the term is not strictly defined—are generally described as following a vegetarian diet but occasionally eating meat.
100% in the humanities
Led by Gilles Séré de Lanauze, an associate professor at the University of Montpellier, this study of eating behaviors is funded by Muse. Focused entirely on the humanities, it emphasizes qualitative approaches. An initial survey of 25 young people following various vegetarian diets examines the adoption of vegetarianism, as well as relationships among vegetarians on the one hand, and between vegetarians and the rest of society on the other. This is an important aspect because the practical and social constraints imposed by such diets—which are, after all, relatively marginal in society—lead to a rethinking of relationships with others.
When it comes to motivations for becoming vegetarian, it is no surprise that concern for animal welfare is the most commonly cited reason. The animal welfare issue takes many different forms, the most radical of which is antispeciesism, which advocates for equal treatment of all species, both human and non-human. Motivations also stem from more personal concerns about health and well-being, or, conversely, broader concerns for the environment.
“What interested us, beyond the diversity of motivations, was the perceived—or perceived lack of—distance between the vegetarian community and the rest of society,” says Lucie Sirieix. Some respondents thus point to the normality of their practices, while others, on the contrary, highlight their strong antagonism toward the rest of society. For example, for T., vegetarianism “is about things that are commonly accepted in society,” whereas, conversely, L. believes that “in today’s society, it’s still inconceivable to be a vegetarian, despite the trend, despite everything else.”
Acting on an impulse
Whether it’s an individual or community practice, here again the answers vary widely. “I really feel like I belong to a community, and I actually really appreciate that sense of belonging. It’s a bit like being a fan of a soccer club,” says M., while N. states: “I’m not into communities, ghettos… I don’t like that kind of thing at all.” And the communities mentioned are diverse: communities of ideas (the L214 association, the Vegetarian Association of France), virtual communities (a local Facebook group), or physical communities (colleagues at a vegetarian fast-food restaurant…).
Another striking aspect of the interviews was the decision to take action. “The factor that really convinced me was one particular news report that exposed overproduction and the agribusiness industry’s exploitation of animals—keeping them in deplorable conditions and force-feeding them antibiotics solely to increase production and yields,” says Mr. The final decision to stop consuming animal products is often motivated by a triggering event. These include, in particular, instances of cruelty toward animals, but also a negative personal experience or the influence of a loved one or a doctor.
In the accounts, difficulties with those around them are a recurring theme. “In some cases, relationships with family members proved more difficult than those with friends; parents’ reluctance often stemmed from concern for their child’s health, but it also frequently gave way, over time, to greater tolerance—or even to a shared change in practices within the household,” explains Lucie Sirieix.
The humanities project continues to reveal new findings, as dietary practices are such a powerful factor in the construction of social identity. Another study, this time based on fifteen life narratives, is currently being analyzed. As for the quantitative component, it has been delayed by the COVID-19 crisis, but will provide data from a survey of several hundred people expected to be conducted this year.