Tell me what you don't eat, and I'll tell you who you are
What kind of relationships do vegetarians have with one another and with the rest of society? This is a broad question, given that dietary practices are such a powerful component of social identity. This project is supported by I-SITE MUSE as part of its 2017 research support program.

The vegetarian trend in France? In terms of numbers, it remains marginal. According to the latest Nutrinet survey, 2% of the population was vegetarian in 2017. “But people who report reducing their meat consumption more or less drastically account for 25 to 40% of the population, according to sources, so the phenomenon far exceeds the minority of vegetarians recorded,” notes Lucie Sirieix. A professor at Institut Agro, Montpellier Supagro, the consumer behavior specialist at UMR MOISA is leading a research project on the social influences surrounding vegetarianism. It is a diverse practice, with diets ranging from vegetarians who do not eat meat, vegans who do not consume any animal products, and vegans who banish them from their lives—not just their diets (for example, excluding leather in clothing). Added to these are “flexitarians” who, even though the term is not strictly defined, are generally described as adopting a vegetarian diet but occasionally eating meat.
100% in the humanities
Led by Gilles Séré de Lanauze, a lecturer at the University of Montpellier, this study of eating behaviors is funded by Muse. Focusing entirely on the humanities, it emphasizes qualitative approaches. An initial survey of 25 young people following various vegetarian diets examines the adoption of vegetarianism, as well as relationships among vegetarians on the one hand, and between vegetarians and the rest of society on the other. This is an important aspect because the practical and social constraints imposed by such diets—which are, after all, relatively marginal in society—lead to a rethinking of relationships with others.
When it comes to the reasons for becoming vegetarian, it comes as no surprise that concern for animal welfare is the most commonly cited. Concerns about animals take many different forms, the most radical being antispeciesism, which advocates for equal treatment of all species, both human and non-human. Motivations also stem from more individual concerns about health and well-being, or, conversely, broader concerns for the environment.
“What interested us, beyond the diversity of motivations, was the perceived—or perceived lack of—distance between the vegetarian community and the rest of society,” says Lucie Sirieix. Some respondents thus point to the normality of their practices, while others, on the contrary, highlight their strong conflict with the rest of society. For example, for T., vegetarianism “deals with things that are commonly accepted in society,” whereas, conversely, L. believes that “in today’s society, it’s still inconceivable to be vegetarian despite the trend, despite everything you want.”
Acting on an impulse
Whether it’s a personal or community-based practice, here again the answers vary widely. “I really feel like I belong to a community, and I actually really appreciate that sense of belonging. It’s a bit like being a fan of a soccer team,” says M., while N. asserts: “I’m not into communities, ghettos… I don’t like that kind of thing at all.” And the communities mentioned are diverse: communities of ideas (the L214 association, the Association of Vegetarians of France), virtual communities (a local Facebook group), or physical communities (colleagues at a vegetarian fast-food restaurant…).
Another key aspect that emerged from the interviews was the decision to take action. “The factor that really sealed the deal for me was one particular news report that exposed overproduction and the food industry’s exploitation of animals—keeping them in appalling conditions and force-feeding them antibiotics solely to boost production and yields,” says Mr. The final decision to stop consuming animal products is often motivated by a triggering event. In particular, instances of cruelty toward animals, but also a negative personal experience or the influence of a loved one or a doctor.
In the accounts, difficulties with those around them are a recurring theme. “In some cases, relationships with family members proved more challenging than those with friends; parents’ reservations often stemmed from concern for their child’s health, but these reservations also frequently gave way, over time, to greater tolerance—or even to a shared shift in practices within the household,” explains Lucie Sirieix.
The humanities project continues to yield new findings, as dietary practices are such a powerful factor in the construction of social identity. Another study, this time based on fifteen life stories, is currently being analyzed. As for the quantitative component, it has fallen behind schedule due to the COVID-19 crisis, but will provide data from a survey of several hundred people expected to be completed this year.