Tell me what you don't eat, and I'll tell you who you are
What kinds of relationships do vegetarians have with one another and with the rest of society? This is a broad question, given that dietary practices are such a powerful component of social identity. This project is supported by I-SITE MUSE as part of its 2017 research support program.
The vegetarian movement in France? In terms of numbers, it remains a marginal phenomenon. According to the latest Nutrinet survey, 2% of the population was vegetarian in 2017. “But people who report reducing their meat consumption to a greater or lesser extent account for, according to sources, 25 to 40% of the population, so the phenomenon far exceeds the minority of registered vegetarians,” notes Lucie Sirieix. A professor at Institut Agro, Montpellier Supagro, and a specialist in consumer behavior at the UMR MOISA, she is leading a research project on the social influences surrounding vegetarianism. It is a multifaceted practice, with diets ranging from vegetarians who do not eat meat, to vegans who avoid all animal products, and to those who banish them from their lives—not just their diets (for example, excluding leather from their clothing). In addition to these groups are “flexitarians,” who—even though the term is not strictly defined—are generally described as following a vegetarian diet but occasionally eating meat.
100% in the humanities
Led by Gilles Séré de Lanauze, an associate professor at the University of Montpellier, this study of eating behaviors is funded by Muse. Focused entirely on the humanities, it emphasizes qualitative approaches. An initial survey of 25 young people following various vegetarian diets examines the adoption of vegetarianism, as well as the relationships among vegetarians on the one hand, and between vegetarians and the rest of society on the other. This is an important aspect because the practical and social constraints imposed by such diets—which are, after all, relatively marginal in society—lead to a rethinking of relationships with others.
When it comes to motivations for becoming vegetarian, unsurprisingly, concern for animal welfare is the most commonly cited reason. The issue of animal welfare takes many different forms, the most radical being antispeciesism, which advocates for equal treatment of all species, both human and non-human. Motivations also stem from more individual concerns about health and well-being, or, conversely, broader concerns for the environment.
“What interested us, beyond the diversity of motivations, was the perceived—or perceived lack of—distance between the vegetarian community and the rest of society,” says Lucie Sirieix. Some respondents thus point to the normality of their practices, while others, on the contrary, highlight their strong antagonism with the rest of society. For example, for T., vegetarianism “is about things that are widely accepted in society,” whereas, conversely, L. believes that “in today’s society, it’s still inconceivable to be a vegetarian, despite the trend, despite everything else.”
Putting Words into Action
Whether it’s an individual or community practice, here again the answers vary widely. “I really feel like I belong to a community, and I actually really appreciate that sense of belonging. It’s a bit like being a fan of a soccer team,” says M., while N. asserts, “I’m not into communities, ghettos… I don’t like that kind of stuff at all.” And the communities mentioned are diverse: communities of ideas (the L214 association, the French Vegetarian Association), virtual communities (a local Facebook group), or physical communities (colleagues at a vegetarian fast-food restaurant…).
Another striking aspect of the interviews was the decision to take action. “The factor that really convinced me was one particular news report that exposed overproduction and the agribusiness industry’s exploitation of animals—keeping them in deplorable conditions and force-feeding them antibiotics solely to increase production and yields,” says Mr. The final decision to stop consuming animal products is often motivated by a triggering event. In particular, instances of cruelty toward animals, but also a negative personal experience or the influence of a loved one or a doctor.
In the accounts, difficulties with those around them are a recurring theme. “In some cases, relationships with family members proved more difficult than those with friends; parents’ reservations often stemmed from concern for their child’s health, but they also frequently gradually gave way to great tolerance—or even a shared change in practices within the household,” explains Lucie Sirieix.
The humanities project continues to reveal new findings, as dietary practices are such a powerful factor in the construction of social identity. Another study—this time based on fifteen life stories—is currently being analyzed. As for the quantitative component, it has fallen behind schedule due to the COVID-19 crisis, but will provide data from a survey of several hundred people expected to be completed this year.